[China][US]China and the United States' Asia-Pacific Strategy and Difference
Jia Qingguo, Professor, School of International Relations, Peking University; Director, China-US Humanities Exchange Base
Editor's Note
From 19 to 20 March 2022, the Centre for Strategic and Security Studies (CISS) of Tsinghua University organised the 4th International Forum on Strategy and Security (IFSS) with the theme of "The Great Trend in the Asia-Pacific: Cooperation or Separation?" in an offline and online format. The fourth International Forum on Strategy and Security was held on March 19-20, 2012. The forum was held at the time of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, with more than 60 guests from China and abroad focusing on "Asia-Pacific in a turbulent global landscape", "Asia-Pacific hotspot issues", "Asia-Pacific cooperation: opportunities for the future", and "China's role in the Asia-Pacific region". "CISS has invited some of the experts to write articles on the themes of the conference, which will be published in the WeChat website.
China's Asia-Pacific strategy is still in the process of being formed, but based on China's words and actions, we can still outline some of the basic elements of China's Asia-Pacific strategy.
I. China's Asia-Pacific strategy
China's strategic objectives in the Asia-Pacific include at least the following three: first, to safeguard China's security and territorial integrity; second, to promote security and stability in the region; and third, to promote regional prosperity.
In order to achieve these objectives, China's main approaches in the Asia-Pacific region are as follows. First, defending China's sovereign integrity and safeguarding its legitimate maritime rights and interests, including preventing the Taiwan authorities from seeking independence and deterring the United States from interfering in China's defence of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Secondly, developing the necessary armed forces to guard against external aggression and prevent the loss of territory, whether in Taiwan or elsewhere. Third, opposing external interference in China's internal affairs. Fourth, supporting freedom of navigation on the high seas, while opposing any country engaging in military and intelligence activities in areas adjacent to China's coasts without China's consent under the banner of freedom of navigation on the high seas. Fifth, it advocates the establishment of an inclusive regional security mechanism. Sixth, we oppose the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Seventh, promote the building of a free and open economic system.
II. The United States' Asia-Pacific Strategy
For a variety of reasons, the geographical scope of the US strategy has changed considerably in recent years, and in the region the US has replaced the Asia-Pacific region with the Indo-Pacific region.
The US strategic objectives in the Asia-Pacific region include at least the following. First, to keep the region open to the US and to preserve the US right of access in the region. Second, to promote security and stability in the region. Third, to promote regional economic prosperity. Fourth, to promote Western democratic and liberal values.
In order to achieve these goals, the United States' specific approaches include, first, preventing any country from dominating the affairs of the Asia-Pacific region. Secondly, to consolidate military alliances in the region. Third, to promote a free and fair trade system defined by the United States. Fourthly, to maintain a non-proliferation regime for weapons of mass destruction. Fifth, to promote Western democratic and liberal values.
III. Differences and points of conflict between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific strategy
The differences between China's and the United States' Asia-Pacific "strategies" can be analyzed from four perspectives: competition, security mechanisms, the Taiwan issue, and freedom of navigation.
First, on the issues of competition, confrontation and cooperation, the US Asia-Pacific "strategy" tends to emphasize confrontation; China tends to "emphasize" cooperation.
Secondly, on the issue of regional security mechanisms, the US approach is to maintain an exclusive military alliance system, on the basis of which it selectively supports regional security cooperation; China advocates an inclusive security system.
Thirdly, on the issue of Taiwan, the US emphasises the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue and supports the Taiwan authorities' approach to strengthening foreign relations and defence capabilities; China emphasises the maintenance of the one-China principle and opposes the development of official relations with Taiwan by the US and US arms sales to Taiwan.
Fourthly, on the interpretation of the right to freedom of navigation on the high seas, the US believes that in accordance with the freedom of navigation on the high seas, a country has the right to conduct military and intelligence activities in coastal areas close to other countries; China does not recognise this right.
For some time now, the above-mentioned points of disagreement and conflict have been increasingly used to define the relationship between the US and China, and have become an important cause of the deteriorating relationship between the two countries.
The fact is that China and the United States are both stakeholders in the current international system, and both countries share many common and important interests in many areas, which are increasing, not decreasing, with the rise of China. For example, as superpowers, both China and the US need to safeguard their own interests by maintaining the international order. On balance, the common interests between China and the US far outweigh the differences. I hope that people from both countries will recognise this early on and truly manage their relations accordingly.